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This research titled, “Effect of Insurgency on Urbanization in the South East Geo-Political Zone: A Study of Abakaliki Ebonyi State,” was aimed at examining the extent insurgency has affected urbanization in the south-east geo-political zone, to examine the factors that encourages the growth and the spread of insurgency, to critically evaluate the government efforts in addressing the issues associated with Boko-haram insurgency and to analyze the implications of insurgency in the south east geo-political zone of Nigeria. The researcher adopted a survey research method, structured questionnaire was used as the major instrument for data collection while Chi-square statistical tools was used to test the hypotheses formulated for the study. Based on the analysis it was recommended that government should ensure adequate security in the Northeastern State to ensure the safety of lives and properties, government should create more employment opportunities in other to discourage youth restiveness, Ebonyi State government should try and implement mortgage policy that will reduce accommodation problems in Abakaliki metropolis and government and Non-Governmental organization should try and establish more industries in Ebonyi State inorder to discourage the indigenes from endangering their lives in the northern state in search for greener pasture.



1.1 Background of the Study

We live in a time of unprecedented global urbanization during which countries that were mostly rural have become mostly urban in a matter of decades, Simultaneously, we live in an era of unprecedented global democratization during which the number of electoral democracies has doubled since 1970, increasing in just 30 years from 33 to 63 % of the world sovereign states, Elegonye (2002). Not only are the scope and speed of these two related transformations extraordinary, Their combined developments in particular places produce a remarkably similar condition worldwide most city people live in impoverished urban peripheries in various conditions of illegal and irregular residence.

Around urban centers that benefit from their services and their poverty. Yet this new urbanism also generates a characteristic response worldwide, precisely in these peripheries where residents organize movements of insurgent citizenship to confront the entrenched regimes of citizen inequality that the urban centers use to segregate them. Not all peripheries produce this kind of insurgence, to be sure. But enough do to qualify this collision of citizenships as a global category of conflict, Neaer (2000).

The results of these processes of urbanization have been contradictory. If the latter would seem to hold special promise for more egalitarian citizenship, and thus for greater citizen justice and dignity, in practice most democracies experience tremendous conflict among citizens as principle collides with prejudice over the terms of national membership and the distribution of rights. If cities have historically been the locus of citizenship’s expansion, contemporary peripheral urbanization creates especially volatile conditions, as city regions become crowded with marginalized citizens and noncitizens who contest their exclusions.

Thus the insurgence of urban democratic citizenships in recent decades has disrupted established formulas of rule and privilege in the most diverse societies worldwide. Yet the result is an entanglement of democracy with its counters, in which new kinds of urban citizens arise to expand democratic citizenships and new forms of urban violence and inequality erode them, Neaer (2000).

After decades of dictatorships, Nigeria saw its fourth ever democratically elected president take office in 1999. Today, the country’s nascent democracy is being tested by rampant crime, a disaffected public, and an unprecedented campaign of terror. In the south, civil unrest threatens safety and stability. To the east, gangs who kidnap expatriates for ransom lie in wait on the roads, in bars, and in town centers.

And to the north, the Islamic terrorist group Boko Haram is growing in both organization and brutality. The group has issued brazen challenges to the government and the ultimatum “leave or die” to Christians and those living in the northern region but belonging to ethnic or religious groups from the south. Confidence that the government can protect the people is at an all-time low because the security situation in the country is very fluid right now.

For the last two years, Nigeria was categorized as the 14th worst state out of 177 countries ranked by multiple factors in the Fund for Peace (FFP) Failed State Index. (Kajor 2012). Violence between the Christian and Muslim communities is not new. It has in the past resulted in the death aiid displacement of thousands in the Middle Belt region of Jos, Ahuja Benue and Kogi. But it is currently more widespread with the resurgence of Boko Flaram the number one threat to stability in Nigeria right now.

According to the BBC, “Boko Haram promotes a version of Islam which makes it ‘haram,’ or forbidden, for Muslims to take part in any political or social activity associated with Western society. Recently, the gmup has r staging more wide scale and sophisticated attacks (Kaj 2012).

Boko Haram first emerged in the early 2000s. It attacked government buildings and churches, making demands that the country reject any notion of Western culture. The Nigerian government fought back, killing hundreds of the sect’s members and, eventually, the head of the group. That was thought to he the end of the Boko Hararn threat. But, its recent activities have shown that the group was only dormant, and rebuilding its capabilities so that it could return.

Its bombings are now expected occurrences. Literally the concern in the north is when the next explosion is going to go off. The United Nations says Boko Haram’s links to al Qaeda are a concern. Boko 1-laram’s reemergence comes amid great civil disenchantment with the current government of President Goodluck Jonathan and as the country’s fragile democracy struggles to develop. After the government canceled subsidies on oil in January, gas prices skyrocketed, causing. workers across the country to strike in protest. Workers refused to work until the subsidies were reinstated.

The strike ended on January 16, afte Jonathan agreed to cut fuel prices by one third. Four days later, Boko-Haram bombed several government buildings. In the attacks, 185 people died, according to report from African media agencies (Oderemi, 20l2). This research work is aimed at examining the effect of insurgency on urbanization in the south-east geo-political zone. The effect of urbanization as a result of insurgency in the south east geo-political zone has increased as a result of the movement of the people from the northern state to the south east.

Njoku (1971), Observed that, the rapid rate of the increase of population may be attributed to the lack of improvement in medical facilities and other social infrastructure that makes lives enjoyable with improvement in these facilities, many diseases and sickness which were incurable in the past are under control, people can now live long. Increase in population in Enugu state has cause a lot of problems like over crowding, poor housing, social- unrest, transportation difficulties, unemployment problem, environmental pollution and child abuse.


1.2 Statement of the Problem

According to Aro (2013) the economic effects of insurgency in Nigeria can be generally viewed from two perspectives, they are effects on the state (Nigeria) and individual members of the state (Nigerians) particularly, residents of the North East and North central of Bauchi, Borno, Yobe, Plateau and neighboring northern states. Economic activities have been massively disrupted; the insurgents destroyed more than 25 telecommunication masts and base stations in Maiduguri, Potiskum, Bauchi, Gombe and Kano states, thus setting back efforts to improve telecommunications in the region (The Guardian, 12 September 2012).

Isakpa (20 11) in his view on the negative impact of Boko-haram insurgency economy opined that “there can be no real progress made in any hostage to security”. In August 16, 2012 Boko Haram attacked Bornu state capital, Maiduguri and destroyed lives and properties. The Maiduguri incident affected businesses as traders closed their shops at the popular Monday market as early as 11.am. Civil servants immediately returned to their homes crippling government business and robbery attempts were made at the popular Monday market The Nation, Thursday, August 16, 2012).

It must be noted that Boko-haram insurgency in northern Nigeria have led to people abandoning their businesses, closure of banks and government parastatals amongst other issues. The increasing spread of nefarious activities of the Insurgency in Nigeria and the destruction of lives and property is a serious issue that could not he dismissed with a wave of hand. The group caught the attention of international community following series of violent attacks in Nigeria since July 2009, and specifically with the attack of the United Nations building at Abuja in 2011.

The sect, having no clear structure or known chain of command was responsible conservatively for the death of over 1200 people (Jimmoh, 2011). A major function of a good government is to guarantee the security of lives and property. This explains why the early philosophers observe that people give up part of their rights to a sovereign leader who is charged with the responsibility of ensuring their security. The demonstrated inability of the Federal Government to curb the insurgence in spite of repeated assurance motivates this study. It is therefore, in the light of the above problems that the researcher poses the following research question:

  1. To what extent has insurgency affected urbanization in the south-east geo-political zone?
  2. What are the factors that encouraged the growth and the spread of insurgency?
  3. What efforts has government made in addressing the issues associated with insurgency?
  4. What are the socio-economic implications of insurgency in the south east geo-political zone of Nigeria?
  • Objectives of the Study

The broad objective of this work is to examine the effects of insurgency on urbanization in the South East geo-political Zone with particular references to Abakaliki, Ebonyi State: Specifically the objectives are:

  1. To examine the extent insurgency has affected urbanization in Abakaliki, Ebonyi State.
  2. To examine the factors that encourages the growth and the spread of insurgency in Nigeria.
  3. To critically evaluate the government efforts in addressing the issues associated with Boko-haram insurgency.
  4. To analyze the implications of insurgency in Abakaliki, Ebonyi State

1.4 Research Hypotheses

HI: Urbanization has effect in insurgency in south east geo-political zone.

HO: Urbanization has no effect in insurgency in south east geo-political zone.

HI: Unemployment has contributed to the growth and spread of insurgency in Nigeria.

HO: Unemployment has not contributed to the growth and spread of insurgency in Nigeria.

HI: Government has made great effort in addressing the issues of insurgency.

H0: Government has not made great effort in addressing the issues of insurgency.

1.5 Significance of the Study

The significance of this study is that it will act as a guide to the government in their quest to quell the problem of urbanization and insurgency as it affects the economy of the country. Also judging from the fact that insurgency is currently a prevailing cankerworm and its very spontaneous and topical, this study will help to proffer possible solutions.

More so, this work, theoretically will be useful to writers, scholars, journalists etc. in order to add to their existing knowledge on what they already know about insurgency in the south east geo-political zone.

1.6 Scope of the Study

The scope of this research work is quite broad that it encompasses the investigation of effects of insurgency on urbanization in the south east geopolitical zone with a particular reference to Abakailiki Ebonyi State Capital City. This is because of its spontaneous nature.

1.7 Limitation of the Study

In view of the limitations of this study various factors contributed in affecting the researcher’s comprehensiveness and totality in carrying out the study. Among these factors are scarcities of relevant materials on the issue due to its continuous evolving nature and virginity, financial constraints and other task of campus engagements and the fact that the crisis experienced its apex in the course of the research interval.

1.8 Theoretical Framework    

The researcher adopted Frustration Aggression Theory which was propounded by Dollard 1939. Frustration Aggression Theory stand as the theoretical framework of this study. submits that the primary source of the human capacity for violence appears to be frustration aggression mechanism. According to him, anger induced by frustration as a motivating force that disposes main to aggression. Frustration as an interference with goal directed behaviours.

According to Gurr (1998), he defined relative deprivation as “a perceived discrepancy between relative deprivation and their value capabilities”. Value expectations are the goods and conditions of life to which people believe they are rightfully entitled. Value think they are capable of attaining and maintaining given the social means available to them. He also suggests some variables that affect the intensity of emotional respond to the perception of deprivation.

The first proposition is that the greater the extent of discrepancy the man sees between what they seek and what seems to be attainable, the greater their anger and consequence disposition to aggression. A second proposition relates to “opportunities”. Men who feel they make many ways to attain their pals are less likely to become angry when one’s blocked than those who have few alternatives.

A third general proposition is that the greater the intensity of men’s expectations, the creator their anger when they meet unexpected or increased resistance. Gurr further states four interviewing variables thus: the legitimacy of the political regime in which violence occurs, coercive potential, institutionalization and social structures which they condition the perception of deprivation.

In a related manner, James Davies attributed violent outbreak to the frustration that result from short term decline in achievement following a long term increase that generate expectation about continuing increase. Basically, a person thwarted in the attempt to reach a goal is made angry and likely to protest against the imputed source of frustration. This, Dowse and Hughes observe in social life, men come to value many things, status, power, security, equality, freedom, wealth etc.

when they cannot achieve those value means loosing another, angry, dissatisfactions and in the cases aggression occur, Mayer (1976), argue in support that the normal tendency towards violence aggression or dispute is increasingly frustration desires. To him, when a goal presumably attractive two or more individuals is made available in such a way that it can be obtained looser. Those frustrate actors in political system can become sponsors of things, kidnappers.

Davies (1973) observes that aggressive action required four (4) main steps namely activation of demand, frustration of demand, mental processes of deciding how to overcome the frustration and action. It is important to note that various individuals or groups involved in political and or religious sects such as the Boko Haram, engage in such violent activities because they perceive a sense of disloyalty and injustice on the part of the government.

This is often due to the fact that their needs are not properly met, and as a result of this, they stoop to violent means inform of rebellion against the government that has lost their popular support and legitimacy hence this leads to restiveness among youths and invariably there is lose of lives and property. Kerlinger (1977) a theory is a set of interrelated constructs (concepts) and propositions that presents a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations among variables with the purpose of explaining and predicting the phenomena. Having said these, among all the paradigms drafted by various schools over the years, the focus therefore, so on the Boko Haram crisis and its effect on property and youth restiveness in Nigeria.

1.9 Operational Definition of Terms

This entails stating the meaning of various concepts used earlier, so as to give a better understanding of the meaning arid also give a vivid picture of these concepts in the minds of the readers.

Urbanization: is a population shift from rural to urban areas, “the gradual increase in the proportion of people living in urban areas”, and the ways in which each society adapts to the change.

Terrorism: this is an illegitimate means of attempting to effect political change by the indiscriminate use of violence. Also it is the use of violence to achieve political objectives.

Nationalist: A person who advocates that the interests of the nation or country arc primary and deserving preference over other individuals interests. A nationalist is concerned mainly with promoting the concept of the nation in its various forms that may include any or all among the economic, cultural aspect of the country.

Menace: menace means a possible danger, a threat, or an act of threatening. it also means something that threatens to cause evil, harm, injury etc. this also means the show of an intention to inflict evil, indication of a probable civil or catastrophe to come.

Insurgence: Armed uprising or rebellion against a government. The term has been used variously to describe revolutionary movements, civil wars, anti- colonial struggles and terrorist agitations; it is also seen as the state or attitude of being indulgent or tolerant.

Economy: This refers to the wealth and resources of a country or religion, especially in terms of the production and consumption of goods and service. It is also the state of a country or region in terms of the production and consumption of goods and services and the supply of money.


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